Refugees and the penetration of national security – the face of truth
The Refugee File in Sudan is one of the most sensitive and intertwining files at the present time, because of its security repercussions, social dimensions, and political challenges, eSpecially after the outbreak of the war on April 15, 2023, which caused unpreced Waves, Revealed the State’s Fragility in Dealing With This Crisis, and Returned to the Forefront Several Questions about Sovereignty and National Identity.
Since the start of the war, local reports have recorded the participation of elements of neighboring countries in the fights in the ranks of the rapid support militia, which has raised serious concerns about the exploitation of the situation of refugees to penetrate Sudanese national security. These concerns are highlighted in the light of the fragility of the borders and the lack of active surveillance of the refugee movement, in particular in states such as Khartoum and the white Nile, which have transformed into enormous gatherings for them.
In this context, Khartoum’s government’s decision to deport the refugees outside the capital is considered an attempt to contain the threat, according to the statements of Siddiq Hassan Fernie, the Director of Social Development of the State, who indicated that the exceptional circumstances required the rearrangement of security and social priorities.
As for the most dangerous challenge, it is a question of imposing a policy of integrating refugees into society at a time when the State suffers from a legislative and institutional vacuum. An article published in “Voice of Sudan” revealed an initial signature of the provisions of what is known as “the global agreement for migration and refugees”, an agreement that Khartoum has always reserved, because of its direct effects on the population and national resources.
This agreement, which gives refugees extended rights such as freedom of movement, ownership and obtaining government services, and even citizenship, comes from the point of view of observers a violation of national sovereignty and an attempt to reshape Sudanese society demographically. The concern is that these measures are taken in the absence of any legislative mandate or parliamentary control, in the absence of transitional government institutions.
In the state of the white Nile, which welcomes more than 500,000 refugees, local communities suffer from low basic services, from education and health to dilapidated infrastructure. The state governor, lieutenant -general Qamar Al -Din Fadl Al -Mawla, expressed these concerns during his recent meeting with the delegation of the High Refugee Commissioner, calling for a larger international role to mitigate the burden of the local population.
This reflects a late conscience of the size of the pressure confronted with the Sudanese state as a host country, in the light of a notable world drop in refugee problems. The painful paradox is the big difference between the relations of Sudan with neighboring countries and the relations of these countries with Sudanese refugees.
In Egypt, Chad and Ethiopia, the Sudanese refugee is treated according to strict laws which include residence costs and restrictions on the movement. In Sudan, the doors are open without sufficient supervision or strict controls, and negotiations take place on the integration of refugees, regardless of the security and social repercussions of this option.
The criticisms directed against the delegation of refugees and the United Nations refugee commission in Sudan increased, in the midst of the accusations reported by the local media directed against Mr. Moussa Ali Atoun, an accredited refugee, by playing a role in the preparation of the signing of agreements without legal mandate, in the absence of transparency and responsibility. Where the Commission has become implemented and coordinated without the real control of the institutions of the transitional government or the Council of Sovereignty.
The expected government of “hope” is required to prepare a clear and complete national policy towards the issue of refugees, based on the legislative approval declared on a possible international agreement, and its contact details are presented to public opinion. The blind foreign existence must be reassessed, activating the inventory, surveillance and classification mechanisms, while guaranteeing the rights of host societies, not charging them above their capacity and protecting the national and demographic identity from any coercive integration operation.
On the other hand, there are regional models that can be used to manage this file, such as Lebanon experience which refused to reinstall Syrian refugees, adhering to the option of voluntary return, despite international pressure, according to the 2023 UNHCR reports. Likewise, in Ethiopia, refugees were authorized to move and work under Law 2019, without being granted in Ethiopia or Ownership.
These models confirm that international law does not oblige states to be resolved or granting citizenship, but rather imposes by non-return, to guarantee protection and to provide services, within the framework of the 1951 agreement on the status and principles of the refugees adopted by the High Commissioner of the United Nations (UNHCR).
According to what we see from the face of the truth, the refugee file represents a real test of the ability of the Sudanese State to protect its national security without prejudice to its humanitarian obligations. This is a file that does not tolerate political compliments or temporary establishments. The greatest challenge may not come from abroad, but rather what is intended to be imposed inside under the banner of humanitarian work.
Will the government of “hope” be as much as this challenge? Or will this file, like its predecessors, be open to become a burden aggravating the security and the future of the country?
You are fine and well.
Wednesday July 9, 2025 ad shglawi55@gmail.com
